On December 27, 2005, TWU Local 100`s Board of Directors accepted a 37-month contract offer from the MTA. The 37-month term was decisive as the last contract ended on December 15, causing disruptions in the New York economy during the holiday season. The next contract expires in mid-January. (However, on 20 January 2006, union workers rejected the new contract by 7 votes – 11,234 to 11,227 – but approved it by an overwhelming majority three months later, although the offer was legally withdrawn.) The MTA employs approximately 24,000 workers represented by unions other than TWU20 The TWU contract generally defines the “model” for other unions. If the collective agreements of these workers follow TWU`s salary model, they will cost the MTA $735 million from 2019 to 2023. Additional salary benefits similar to those of the TWU contract would cost an additional $45.4 million over the four years. In total, this would be $136.5 million more than the $643.9 million projected by the fiscal plan for an increase of 2%.21 (see Table 2). TWU members even managed to make Brotherhood assemblies a platform for the new union. The Brotherhood had agreed to a new pension program to replace the one created by the IRT during the 1916 strike. The new plan, which came into force in 1934, transferred most of the costs to the workers.
TWU activists attacked the plan and cut salaries two years earlier at fraternity meetings attended by hundreds of IRT staff, took over the platform at some meetings and, in other cases, held large rallies in front of the meeting room. A second incident, which helped establish the union`s reputation among transit workers, was initiated by the IRT next month, when Quill and a number of colleagues were ignored at The Grand Central station in Goons. Oddly enough, this led to the arrest of Quill and four other union activists, including Herbert C. Holmstrom, Thomas H. O`Shea, Patrick McHugh and Serafino Machado, for inciting an insurrection. The charges were then quickly dismissed by a court. Nevertheless, the incident was traced in the media and in various workplaces, where it embodied and characterized the cumulative history of abuse by transit workers throughout the city. Organizing among transit workers more dispersed outside of weight centers, machinery houses and cars proved more difficult. The union relied, to some extent, on the network of members of the clan na Gael, scattered over the IRT; These workers could address the thousands of Irish workers around them, under the prestige of their former liaison with the Irish Republican Army. The secret style of the IRA helped organize anxious workers and attracted it by filling the organization with the mystique of secrecy and intrigue. In the end, the adversaries resolved their differences, but in a very ambiguous way, through intermediaries, without resolving the key issues. With the intervention of the Roosevelt administration and the IOC national leadership, the city agreed, in a series of telegrams exchanged in June 1941 between LaGuardia and Philip Murray of the IOC, to maintain the status quo under the collective agreements adopted by the TWU with the TWU, but agreed to argue over whether they would negotiate in the future.
The parties also disagreed on the practicalities: the city considered that the promotions would be carried out in accord with the requirements of the public service, the IOC considered that the seniority provisions would continue to apply. Not only did the union survive, but it also recovered much of the soil it had lost among transit workers over the next four years. Later, the party asked the union to seek membership in the American Laboratory Federation, which it finally did in 1936, after unsuccessful negotiations with the Amalgamated Association of Street Railway Employees, becoming Lodge 1547 of the International Association of Machinists.